[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Governny
271
C.O
AFFAIRS OF CHINA.
7053
"January 1
CONFIDENTIAL.
SECTION 2.
REC
REG 8 FEB 18]
[336]
No 1.
1
A
(No 773.) Sir,
Sir C. Greene to Mr. Balfour.-(Received January 1, 1918.)
Tokyo, November 9, 1917. THE declaration regarding China embodied in the notes exchanged at Washington on the 2nd of this mouth was published here on the afternoon of the 7th, as reported in my telegram No. 649, and has been greeted by both press and public with a chorus of approval marred by hardly a dissentient voice. Columns, mostly in similar language, have been written in the papers, and, in particular, an unusually large number of opinions of prominent en recorded.
The declaration is considered of great importance as dispelling American suspicions, fostered by enemy propaganda, of Japanese designs in China, and as giving formal and public recognition to Japan's special interests, which, however real in Japanese eyes, have hitherto only tacitly been acknowledged by other Powers. The doctrine of territorial propinquity as creating such interests is accepted as applicable both to Japan and to America, but the contiguity of European colonies to Chinese territory is not admitted to be on the same plane as Japan's geographical relation. There is a dis- position to estimate the range of Japan's special interests, under the agreement, as extending beyond contiguous, and even neighbouring, territory in China. The expression special interests" (which, as a matter of history, is applied in the first Anglo-Japanese Alliance Agreement to British interests in China,) has not yet been precisely defined in the press. The Japanese may be expected hereafter to ring the changes on its meanings to their own advantage. Some bark back to His Majesty's Government's disclaimer, at the first attempt to bring China into the war, of any intention to enter on political negotiations with China without consulting Japan, and see in the present recognition of special interests a resemblance with and endorsement of the principle underlying that assurance. According to this interpretation, special interests" would secure to Japan the first voice in all China's international affairs. Apart from politics, however, the practical advice given to the public is to translate the declaration into energetic action in the Chinese commercial and industrial field, now thrown open by the removal of the barrier of American auspicion.
I append a selection from the opinions so far expressed.
product of terri- TheJiji" considers it incontestable that Japan possesses, as a torial propinquity, special interests in China, particularly in the contiguous regions of Manchuria and Mongolia. Japan's contiguity stands, however, as widely apart as heaven and earth from the colonial contiguity to China of certain other Powers. These special interests—an outstanding fact of the situation in the Far East-offer an apple of discord ready to the hand of a hostile Power. The notes exchanged, which are an amplification of the Hay Declaration and Root Agreement, allude to the need of silencing such mischievous reports, and the Japanese nation cannot but feel satisfaction at the present recognition of the reality of these special interests by a country who is a friend of long standing, now confronting a communi enemy. There has indeed in the past been tacit recognition on America's part, but this public testimony to Japan's special interests will intensify good relations between the two countries in other connections besides the actual issue. The recognition of special interests created by contiguity being of general application, Japan on her side must be understood to have acknowledged, by the exchange of notes, America's own special relations with countries in propinquity to the United States. A point which must attract universal attention is the mutual declaration discountenancing the acquisition of special rights affecting China's independence or impairing the enjoyment by the nations of equal commercial opportunity.
The "Asahi sees deep significance in the reaffirmation of Japan's special interests which must imply a great change in her relations with China, although on the surface of this declaration there is nothing new. America's recognition addressed to Japan alone is an admission of the latter's closer and more special relations with and interests in China than those of other nations who share in propinquity. Such special relations having already been recognised by Great Britain and France, the American declaration endorses an established fact in regard to China as a whole, with recognition of relations
[2767 a-2]
IT
No comments yet.
Private notes are available after approval.